The international community should consider LRA peace talks

In December 2003, the government of Uganda, a state party to the International Criminal Court (ICC), referred the situation concerning the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) of murder, rape, violence and crimes against humanity to the Prosecutor of ICC. The prosecutor opened investigations into this matter in 2004 and issued an international arrest warrants for five leaders of LRA alleging crimes against humanity. Kony is still on the run and has been the biggest war criminal talked about in 2012. He was particularly made popular by the Invisible Children movie KONY 2012. This movie was viewed over 93 million times on YouTube and an estimated 4 million people reportedly pledged their support for efforts to arrest Kony and bring him to justice. Many including the first prosecutor of the ICC, Luis Moreno-Ocampo believed by the end of 2012, the LRA leader would have been captured. However, more than a year since the US President Barack Obama deployed US Special Forces to support local troops in the region to arrest Kony, the notorious rebel leader is still on the run. Analysts say the challenge with arresting Kony and his LRA group is the nature of their operation; they move in dense jungle areas where neither Uganda’s UPDF nor African Union soldiers can dare. UPDF spokesman Col. Felix Kulayigye once admitted difficulty in isolating the LRA leader. He noted that the presence of other militias and cattle keepers in the jungles of DRC and Central Africa Republic made it difficult to pursue Kony. A re-known Political Science Professor and researcher at San Diego State University, Adam Branch, in one of his publications noted that the ICC intervention would make the war more difficult to resolve. The ICC warrants of arrest have in fact removed the LRA incentives to leave the bush, which have made peace talks difficult. In 2009 for example, the signing of the Final Peace Agreement between the government of Uganda and the LRA stalled, with the LRA citing the arrest warrants issued by the ICC as the main obstacle. ICC’s main focus is to investigate and punish those guilty of grave violation of human rights and crimes against humanity. In the case of Uganda, it became evident that the Amnesty Act 2000 would not work when ICC issued arrest warrants for the leaders of the LRA and the government of Uganda amended the Amnesty Act to exclude the leaders of the LRA. The Amnesty Act had granted a general amnesty to the LRA, including its top leaders in a bid to encourage them to abandon rebel activities and return to normal life. A dilemma for the International Community is perhaps whether peace or justice should reign first. In my opinion, Peace and Justice should be inseparable. However, the meaning of justice needs to be broadened. Retributive justice is not the only concept of justice. The choice of justice at the national level should be prioritised with the choice of justice of the victims or those who have experienced violation. Indeed, the Acholi people of northern Uganda who were the first victims of the LRA have widely spoken about their traditional justice of “MatoOput” which some people believe would have derailed the LRA from fighting and ensured long lasting peace in the region. With the failure of the International Community to arrest Kony and LRA’s continued violence in Congo and Central Africa Republic, it can be argued that ICC work has caused further militarisation of the LRA and violence and has derailed peace in the region. The International Community should explore the Peace Talk option with LRA even though it appears impossible. By Alex Okello Ouma Posted Thursday, January 10 2013 at 02:00. Daily monitor

NRM is not helping poor Ugandans

NRM’s loss in the hotly contested Jinja East constituency by election to Forum for Democratic Change’s Paul Mwiru, Kyadondo East Member of Parliament, Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda reportedly referred to the NRM as “a dead government that needed a successor”. Kahinda Otafiire, a prominent NRM party member, also Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs reportedly said support for his ruling NRM party is fading, citing poor leadership, corruption and patronage in the government. These political remarks are not entirely new to most Ugandans. Over the last few years, Uganda has been confronted with several challenges, among them are; high inflation rates, soaring oil prices, lack of food, poverty and not to mention, corruption and embezzlement. In light of all these challenges, many Ugandans have questioned whether President Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) party have done enough to make life better for common Ugandans. The NRM has ruled Uganda for over 26 years but critics argue that there is very little the NRM can boast of. There is increasing criticism of NRM’s poor governance from both within and outside the party prompting some to refer to it as a “Cartel’’ whose main goal is to profit its members using State resources. Since NRM came to power in 1986, it has changed in many ways; very little respect for constitutionalism or other laid down government policies and procedures, widespread corruption, restriction of the media and freedom of expression and intimidation of opposition parties. Hitherto, it has become the dominant party and evolved into a “cartel” like organization. According to a recent report on political parties in Africa by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), dominant political party systems impede competitive politics, which leads to political apathy. Such parties dominate the legislature and monopolize law-making processes to promote their own economic and social interest, the government is less accountable to the legislature or the opposition and is irresponsible to citizen demands. NRM has not been any different from what this report describes. Some people may ask, is the NRM a “cartel political party” or a political party that is struggling with leadership and governance issues? According to some scholars, NRM has similar characteristics with a cartel political party. Cartel political parties are characterized by; excessive control and monopoly over State organs and functions, weak grass root branches but very strong party in the central office, most party income is from State subventions and the party has the generosity to offer resources or gifts in exchange for votes during elections and exert strong control over the media. The IDEA report noted that a cartel party uses State machinery to acquire financial resources for the party, sometimes through bribes from individuals or companies with private interest. NRM critics cite the suspected bribery in the oil sector involving Hillary Onek, Amama Mbabazi and Sam Kutesa as a classical example. The opposition political parties in Uganda have accused NRM for its symbiotic relationship with the State. They argue NRM largely depends on State resources for its survival. The opposition parties have cited the corruption in the regime as a way through which NRM party elites connive to guarantee themselves and their party reliable flows of State resources. These critics argue that there is an organized infiltration of State institutions by the party and allocation of favors through the State. Whether these allegations are true or not, at least they point to the level of distrust and suspicion on the NRM by Ugandans. NRM needs to conform to new realities and deliver to Ugandans the promises they have failed to do for the past 26 years and president Yoweri Museveni needs to respect the will of Ugandans. Ugandans expect a political party that forms a government to fight corruption, develop good infrastructures, improve on social service delivery and create economic opportunities and wealth in the hands of poor people. These expectations are yet to be met by the current NRM regime.

Alex Okello Ouma
The writer is a development professional and political analyst based in the north of Uganda

Uganda's Security threats need a human security approach

By Alex Ouma Okello

The post presidential and parliamentary election has already presented numerous challenges for Uganda; political violence, inflation, drought, high level of unemployment, corruption, soaring cost of living and increased hunger. Yet just recently, the NRM Caucus reportedly approved 1.7 trillion Uganda shillings from the country’s treasury to procure jet fighters and other military equipments and Parliament (largely dominated by representatives from the NRM party) is now set to approve the already spent money.

In a recent Daily Monitor publication (see the Monitor of Thursday April 7, 2011), the NRM Secretary General Mr. Amama Mbabazi reportedly said “the transaction was lawful because at the moment the country is faced with regional threats where the country has to prepare for any emergencies that can arise in advance so that the country’s security is not compromised”. Experts on global security and governance however look at this claim as a myth. They claim that the twenty first century has not only seen a change in the nature of conflicts but also the nature of threats to human beings.

These experts argue that any security measures or approaches need to focus on addressing threats to individuals such as hunger, poverty, HIV/Aids and Malaria other than the traditional notion of security, which tends to focus on territorial boundaries.
The 1994 UNDP Human Development report suggested that “the concept of security has for too long been interpreted narrowly; as security of territory from external aggression or as protection of national interest in foreign policy or as global security from the threats of nuclear holocaust”.

This report changed the dimension of security, meaning therefore that security needs to be addressed using the unit of individuals rather than state boundary. The proponents of Human Security argue that the concept of security should be expanded to address the major threats to human beings, such as food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security and political security.

East Africa has lately come under a severe food security threat making an estimated 8.4 million people in desperate need for food aid according to a March 2011 report released by the United Nations. This report pointed out that Uganda, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia are the hardest hit countries. In Uganda, a number of families have resorted to having only one meal a day due to the high food prices and cost of living.

The situation is even worse in the Teso region where women in particular have reportedly resorted to even more desperate measures such as eating termites and seeds treated with chemicals. Experts have warned that the drought that continues to ravage the region could lead to several deaths if food aid is not provided to the starving population.

Malaria and HIV are two of the most deadly diseases globally infecting an estimated 478 out of every 1,000 people in any given population. This statistics could however vary from country to country. Malaria still remains the number one cause of deaths in Uganda. A recent Makerere University and University of California San Francisco research collaboration report estimated that between 70,000 to 100,000 children die of Malaria in Uganda every year.

Some analysts believe that this rate of deaths could even be higher than the total deaths caused by the LRA war in northern Uganda between 1986 to 2006.

Meanwhile, a Uganda Aids Commission report claims that between 50-70% of all hospital admissions are HIV or malaria related. In 2005, the United States Laboratory of Medicine and National Institute of Health estimated using a mathematical modeling and projected using surveillance and census data that there were 135,000 new HIV infections, 691,900 asymptomatic infections, 88,100 Aids cases and 76,400 Aids deaths in Uganda.

Although antiretroviral therapy has increased in Uganda over the recent years, HIV/Aids continues to be among the leading causes of deaths, the report says. With a life expectancy of 54 years at birth, Uganda remains one of poorest countries in the world, ranked 143 out of 169 according to a 2010 Human Development Index report. These alarming statistics on poverty and extreme hunger, HIV/Aids, high child and maternal mortality and deaths from malaria provide more evidence that any security to citizens need to focus on the safety of individuals rather than state boundaries or territory.

Using a human security approach to development means governments should make these interventions that pose the most risk to the citizens a security priority. As time stands, the biggest threats to the security of Ugandans are within our borders, they are not from Al-Qaeda, LRA or even the opposition politicians.

The writer is a Master of Arts in Peace and Justice student at the University of San Diego in the United States.
oumapaokello@yahoo.com

LRA War Victims need Genuine Reconciliation and accountability

August 26th this year will mark five years since the government of Uganda and the notorious Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels signed the cessation of hostilities agreement that paved way for the Juba peace. Former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan described it as a “step in the right direction that could pave the way for a comprehensive settlement after decades of violence”.

Many in northern Uganda however received the news with some skepticism and uncertainty because of the unpredictable nature of the LRA leader Joseph Kony and his lack of commitment to previous peace talks. After more than two years of negotiation and the signing of 5 protocols in Juba, Joseph Kony refused to sign the final peace deal on November 29, 2008. Following this development, the UPDF declared war to wipe out the LRA in December and the peace talks came to a collapse.

Since then, Kony and his remnant forces have reportedly been traversing the Congo, South Sudan and Central Africa Republic, killing and abducting people. Meanwhile, peace and normalcy has returned in northern Uganda and communities are slowly rebuilding their lives. Formerly internally displaced persons have returned to their villages of origin and want the government to close the marginalisation gap that has been created by the war.

Despite the prevailing peace in the region, some questions still continue to be asked by victims of the war. One of such questions is if those who committed crimes against them will ever be held accountable? Unfortunately for such victims, the government of Uganda has been quiet despite several calls from the civil society and politicians that a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) be set up to investigate the violations by both the LRA and UPDF and bring perpetrators to justice. Analysts argue that the government is worried about unearthing its own crimes, committed by the UPDF.

They point that the lack of significant steps to understand and heal the past could spiral more violence and conflict in future. The International Crisis Group has in its 2008 report criticized the government of Uganda’s lack of commitment to the process of national reconciliation and accountability. The report pointed out that the victimisation and grievances that accumulated during the 20 years of war could only be addressed by a genuine process of reconciliation based on accountability for all crimes including those committed by the UPDF. They argue that this will also give way for fair reparation to the victims of war.

The Acholi have a proverb that goes “poyo too pe rweny” (meaning the scars of death never heal). Memories of the war are still fresh in the minds of many people in northern Uganda. Symptoms of psychological distress and anxiety are still very common.

According to David Oketayot, a former child soldier in Gulu town, “after hearing the gun shots, I became very scared, my body was trembling and I did not know what to do”, referring to the incidence where soldiers and the police fired several gun shots in Gulu town last week following the walk to work protests.

Over the past few years, some former LRA rebel commanders have asked for forgiveness from people within the region over the radios. But community reconciliation experts have warned that no genuine reconciliation can be achieved unless victims and their perpetrators come face to face and there is a confession. Some perpetrators have been criticized for reportedly boasting to their victims that no one could prosecute them because they obtained certificates of Amnesty. Such act raises a lot of doubts on the meaning of the amnesty and could spur feelings of hatred and revenge.

The Amnesty process has several weaknesses; it did not for instance require the perpetrators to ask for forgiveness in order to get the certificate. There has also been a false premise that all victims of the war in northern Uganda have forgiven their perpetrators (both UPDF and LRA) or that they believe in traditional justice. It is important that justice options are widened to allow victim participation. The guns may be silent, victims may be smiling, but their grief and bitterness are yet to be resolved. It is time to reopen the wounds, to start a proper healing process, Government needs to create an impartial and an independent truth and reconciliation commission to investigate all the violations by both UPDF and LRA and bring the perpetrators to meaningful justice. This may be the only way to achieve sustainable reconciliation and avert future violations.

By Alex Okello Ouma

The writer is pursuing a Masters in Peace and Justice at the University of San Diego in the United States

UPE still under-valued

By Alex Ouma Okello (email the author)

Posted Monday, March 8 2010 at 00:00

At Okol Primary School in Omot sub-county in Pader District, class sessions under trees or tents is common. One of the pupils described it as “very hot.” “Some children come from as far as four kilometers to school because of their desire and willingness to learn but the harsh and unfriendly school environment scares them away,” the head teacher Mr Ben Robert Omech claims. Okol PS has no classroom structure except for tent that was supplied by Unicef.

Mr Omech adds that since the start of the first term of 2010, his school has registered an increase in enrolment from 150 to close to 300 children but he worries about the retention of such children in such conditions.

Difficult environment
Mr Omech laments that the children often drop out when they find the school environment unfriendly; they face rude teachers, lack of seating facilities, lack of class rooms, lack of playing facilities and latrines, among others. Studying under trees exposes the children to several risks; falling branches, harsh wind, sunshine and dust, rainfall and interruption, that affect learning, unlike in schools that have fully fledged learning facilities. This typical condition partly justifies the difference in performance between a child who studies at Chadwick Namate PS in Entebbe, Kampala Parents or Bat Valley in Kampala and a pupil who studies at Okol or Latebe Primary Schools in Pader and Kitgum respectively.
The inequality in performance between town and village schools, northern and southern schools and the eastern and western schools in the recently released PLE and UCE results for 2009 only emphasizes the fact that government needs to do a lot to improve performance and attainment of quality and regional education equality.

Although many agree, there is very little evidence to show that a UPE graduate in Sironko, Rakai, Kaliro or Manafwa can develop sustainable livelihood means and escape poverty and hunger. Secondly, the government itself has failed to make real commitment to uplift the status of rural schools in order to improve performance and quality.In the year 2000, 189 heads of states and at least 23 international organisations signed the UN Millennium Declaration on eight development goals at the summit in New York. One of the pledges was to achieve universal primary education; ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary education. Reports by the government of Uganda and other international development agencies indicate that the country’s education system has been effective and successful over the last five years and that it is serving as a model for many African countries. However, education practitioners have cited the question of quality and regional inequalities in education as real obstacles that need to be addressed.

According to The Millennium Development Goals report 2008, achieving Universal Primary Education means more than full enrolment. It also encompasses quality education, meaning that all children who attend school regularly learn basic literacy and numeracy skills and complete primary education on time, the report says. Government should focus on addressing UPE policy gaps; namely on infrastructural development, particularly in conflict or disaster affected regions, lifting of staff ceiling and recruitment of more teachers, capacity building for local authorities, equipping schools with sitting facilities, erecting teacher houses and offering more funding for running school programs.

The writer is a Senior Project Officer – Education with the Norwegian Refugee Council
oumapaokello@yahoo.com

Article is also available online at:http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/Education/-/688336/874944/-/111j7jw/-/index.html

Will the G-20 devise solutions to Africa's food problems?

About three weeks ago, members of the Great 20 developed nations, popularly known as the G-20 held their annual summit, where they agreed to triple aid meant for African nations. South Africa was the sole African representative at the summit. The event came nearly six months after thousands of the world’s population gathered in their respective cities to celebrate the International World Food Day.
It is also important to recognize the fact that one of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) centers on hunger fight and poverty eradication. Leaders who attended the Millennium Summit 2000 (on behalf of their respective citizens) committed themselves to reducing the number of people experiencing extreme hunger and poverty by half, come 2015.

Development analysts, however, look at this global projection as a myth than reality. They argue that such a goal can only be achieved (especially in developing countries) of governments commit themselves to revitalizing their economies and improving agricultural sectors. So what efforts are being put in place to make this initiative a success, many may wonder?

In 2004, the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) did a research through an essay competition based on the theme; “Global food basket for Africa.” The research aimed at providing lasting solutions to Africa’s world food problems. IFPRI needed ideas that would be used to persuade African governments, in a bid to fight the global challenge of soaring food prices.

However, a 2006 World Food Program (WFP) report estimated that 854 million people worldwide hardly met their daily food needs, while a quarter of the African population could hardly afford a meal. In the same year, another independent report estimated how over a million of population in war-affected areas remained food insecure. This year, the global food challenge was felt worldwide. Global climatic changes, coupled with poor agro-fuel policies from the west soared food prices, with Africa’s population feeling the real pinch. No wonder the issue of high food prices topped the agenda during the 2008 millennium challenge meeting held in New York.

The meeting, according to sources who attended, called for a worldwide concerted effort towards addressing the global catastrophe, ahead of the 2015 millennium deadline. Sudan, among other nations that participated in the meeting, pledged to commit itself in the fight against rising food prices. Despite the numerous meetings and conventions held in addressing these global problems, very little actions are usually taken. Yet actions, like they say, speak louder than words. But what could be the way forward?

Africa’s problems appear to be more complex in realty. Notably, over relying on foreign aid, poor governance, civil wars versus internal displacement, drought, flooding, use of backward (rudimentary) technologies and the limited efforts towards environmental conservation simply paint a negative scenario the MDGs achievement. Comparatively, where as farmers in developed nations used modern farming techniques of production and marketing, their counterparts in developing countries like Sudan remain obsessed with rudimentary methods mainly for subsistence and local market consumption.
Interestingly, however, international events usually host governments from the developing and developed nations discussing the same agenda. That’s absurd. The grievances of a farmer in the US, Turkey or Canada, are not the same as those of a rural farmer in South Sudan’s rural locations of Torit, Wau or Rumbek. Ideologically, how would one expect conclusions made at world summits to address the problems of the ordinary man in Sudan’s remote areas? Your guess is as good as mine.

By Ouma Alex Okello

Article also available online at: http://www.thesoutherneyeltd.net/newsdetails.php?newsid=2830&categoryid=29&PHPSESSID=c5a9ca52b4463387b638ea0b39fc3190

Food Insecurity in Acholi needs many interventions

Yona Okori, 78, a resident of Padibe sub-county in Kitgum district believes that the current wave of hunger in Acholi sub-region is because the Acholi no longer store food in the granary (dero).

He says in the 1970s until the early 1990s, many communities in Acholi produced and stored a lot of food in the dero. “The dero protects food and seeds very well, there is no doubt it would enhance food security in post war northern Uganda,” says Ochora Ocitti, an elder and a development worker in Kitgum.

However, he adds that food production is the prime factor, for one can only store what they have produced.

Agriculturalists and food security experts, however, look at this belief as a myth unless farmers can have access to adequate land for production and inputs that can improve yields.

The Food and Agriculture Organisation report for 2009 revealed that more than 50% of the Acholi IDP population have resettled in their villages or are in transit camps, but access to land has increased by only 30%. Limited access to land, inputs and market will continue to undermine crop and livestock production.

Today, WFP estimates that more than a billion people, one in every six human being, may be suffering from under-nourishment.

Uganda is among the countries with a very high global hunger index score and the northern Uganda statistics could be worst.

Joyce Alaroker, an agriculturalist in northern Uganda believes that part of the solution to lack of food in the northern region is total rehabilitation of agricultural infrastructure and reducing gender inequality. Women need to have more access, control and ownership of land, she says.

Lack of food in Acholi sub-region is compounded by the fact that farmers do not have access to adequate inputs, adequate land for cultivation, bad weather, limited access to information coupled with rigidity on the use of traditional farming methods.

Despite these conditions, reports from northern Uganda also show that the workforce currently being engaged in agriculture is so low. In most transition camps or return villages, many men have abandoned their traditional roles of providing for their households.

Engaging in heavy drinking of alcohol, the recent deaths in Gulu as a result of heavy alcohol consumption clearly showed this. Low workforce limits the scale of production.

Government needs to invest in education to ensure sustainable food security. An International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) report for 2009 indicates that higher levels of hunger are associated with lower literacy rates and access to education for women.

High rates of hunger are also linked to health and survival inequalities between men and women. Reducing gender disparities in key areas, particularly in education and health, is thus essential to reduce levels of hunger.

Agriculture productivity will also increase if the capacity of farmers is built. Rural communities in northern Uganda need to be facilitated to return to their villages (not by RDCs and LC 5s forcefully demolishing huts but by opening roads to villages, setting health facilities and equipping them with drugs, giving farmers hoes or ox-ploughs and seeds and erecting classroom structures for schools in return sites) so that they can have adequate access to land.

New knowledge or technologies related to primary production, processing and commercialisation can positively affect productivity and the livelihoods of farmers. Unfortunately for Uganda, the government Plan for Modernisation of Agriculture (PMA) and its birth child NAADS have not delivered much. An assessment of the impact of NAADs on the rural livelihoods by IFPRI revealed that there have been no significant differences in yield growth between NAADS and non NAADS sub-counties for most crops.

On the other hand, the level of adoption of new technologies even in the NAADS sub-counties is still low.

It has also been noted that NAADS appears to have more success in promoting adoption of improved variety of crops and some other yield enhancing technologies than in promoting improved soil fertility.

This raises a lot of doubts about sustainability increases in production, the report says. The LC1 of Alenyo south ward in Wangpit parish, Padibe East sub-county in Kitgum revealed that his community is getting very little out of NAADS. He said the sub-county officials and politicians could be the real people benefiting from the programme.

Over the recent years, the Government has come out with seemingly good pro-poor policy frameworks, notably the failed NURP, NUSAF, PEAP, PMA and UPE but the implementation and success still remain miserable.

The Government should consider a number of strategies to solve the food problem. Parts of the strategy should be for the Government to contract non-profit organisations with proven records of high integrity to implement government programmes.

Article also available online at: http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/459/706083